The Revolutionary Reawakening of Mexico

http://www.marxist.com/revolutionary-reawakening-mexico080906.htm

 

============================================

 

Mexico approaches the combustion point

 

Counterpunch August 23, 2006

 

"God doesn't belong to the PAN!" "AMLO deserves a miracle" "No Pasaran!"

 

By John Ross

 

Mexico City.

 

The Congress of the country is ringed by two-meter tall grilled metal barriers soldered together apparently to thwart a suicide car bomb attack. Behind this metal wall, 3000 vizored, kevlar-wearing robocops -- the Federal Preventative Police (PFP, a police force drawn from the army) -- and members of the elite Estado Mayor or Presidential military command, form a second line of defense. Armed with tear gas launchers, water cannons, and reportedly light tanks, this Praetorian Guard has been assigned to protect law and order and the institutions of the republic against left-wing mobs that threaten to storm the Legislative Palace -- or so the President informs his fellow citizens in repeated messages transmitted on national television.

 

No, the President's name is not Pinochet and this military tableau is not being mounted in the usual banana republic or some African satrap. This is Mexico, a paragon of democracy (dixit George Bush), Washington's third trading partner, and the eighth leading petroleum producer on the planet, seven weeks after the fraud-marred July 2 presidential election of which, at this writing, no winner has been officially declared. One of the elite military units assigned to seal off congress is indeed titled the July 2 brigade.

 

MEXICO ON A KNIFEBLADE headlines the British Guardian, but the typically short-term-memory-loss U.S. print media seems to have forgotten about the imbroglio just south of its borders. Nonetheless, the phone rings and it's New York telling me they just got a call from their man on the border and Homeland Security is beefing up its forces around Laredo in anticipation of upheaval further south. The phone rings again and it's California telling me they just heard on Air America that U.S. Navy patrols were being dispatched to safeguard Mexican oil platforms in the Gulf. The left-wing daily here, La Jornada, runs a citizen-snapped photo of army convoys arriving carrying soldiers disguised as farmers and young toughs. Rumors race through the seven mile-long encampment installed by supporters of leftist presidential challenger Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) three weeks ago who have tied up big city traffic and enraged the motorist class here, that PFP robocops will attack before dawn. The campers stay up all night huddled around bum fires prepared to defend their tent cities.

 

The moment reminds many Mexicans of the tense weeks in September and October

1968 when 12 days before the Olympic Games were to be inaugurated here, President Gustavo Diaz Ordaz ordered the military to massacre striking students in a downtown plaza not far from where AMLO's people are now camped out. 300 were killed in the Plaza of Three Cultures, their bodies incinerated at Military Camp #1 in western Mexico City. The Tlatelolco massacre was a watershed in social conflict here and the similarities are sinister. In fact, Lopez Obrador has taken to comparing outgoing President Vicente Fox with Diaz Ordaz.

 

Fox will go to congress September 1 to deliver his final State of the Union address. The new legislature will be convened the same day. The country may or may not have a new president by that day. In anticipation of this show-down, on August 14, newly-elected senators and deputies from the three parties that comprise AMLO's Coalition for the Good of All attempted to encamp on the sidewalk in front of the legislative palace only to be rousted and clobbered bloody by the President's robocops.

 

With 160 representatives, the Coalition forms just a quarter of the 628 members of the new congress but they will be a loud minority during Fox's "Informe". Since the 1988 "presidenciales" were stolen from Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, founder of AMLO's Party of the Democratic Revolution, PRD legislators have routinely interrupted the president during this authoritarian ritual in orchestrated outbursts that have sometimes degenerated into partisan fisticuffs.

 

The first to challenge the Imperial Presidency was Porfirio Munoz Ledo, a hoary political warhorse, who in 1988 thrust a finger at President Miguel De la Madrid, accusing him of overseeing the theft of the election from Cardenas. Munoz Ledo's J'Accuse stunned the political class. He was slugged and pummeled by members of De la Madrid's long-ruling PRI when he tried to escape the chamber. Munoz Ledo now stands at AMLO's side.

 

But perhaps the most comical moment in the annals of acting out during the Informe, came in 1996 when a brash PRI deputy donned a Babe the Valiant Pig mask and positioned himself directly under the podium from which President Ernesto Zedillo was addressing the state of the nation, and wiggled insouciant signs with slogans that said things like 'EAT THE RICH!" Like Munoz Ledo, Marco Rascon was physically attacked, his mask ripped off like he was a losing wrestler by a corrupt railroad union official who in turn was hammer locked by a pseudo-leftist senator, Irma "La Tigresa" Serrano, a one-time ranchero singer and in fact, the former very close friend of Gustavo Diaz Ordaz.

 

This September 1, if martial law is not declared and the new congress dissolved before it is even installed, the PRD delegation, which will no doubt be strip-searched by the Estado Mayor for incriminating banners, is sworn to create a monumental ruckus, shredding the tarnished decorum of this once-solemn event forever to protest Fox's endorsement of electoral larceny. Some solons say they may go naked.

 

But no matter what kind of uproar develops, one can be secure that it will not be shown on national television as the cameras of Mexico's two-headed television monstrosity Televisa and TV Azteca will stay trained on the President as he tries to mouth the stereotypical clichés that is always the stuff and fluff of this otherwise stultifying séance. The images of the chaos on the floor of congress will not be passed along to the Great Unwashed.

 

There is a reptilian feel to Mexico seven weeks after a discredited Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) cemented Lopez Obrador into a second place coffin by awarding the presidency to right-winger Felipe Calderon by a mere 243,000 votes out of a total 42,000,000 cast. Both Calderon and IFE czar Luis Carlos Ugalde (Calderon was best man at Ugalde's wedding) make these little beady reptile eyes as they slither across national screens.

 

Those screens have been the scenes of some of the slimiest and most sordid political intrigue of late. One of the lizard kings who is fleetingly featured on Televisa primetime is an imprisoned Argentinean construction tycoon, Carlos Ahumada, who in 2004 conspired with Fox, Calderon's PAN, and Televisa to frame AMLO on corruption charges and take him out of the presidential election."El Peje" (for a gar-like fish from the swamps of Lopez Obrador's native Tabasco) was then leading the pack by 18 points.

 

Charged by Lopez Obrador, then the mayor of this megalopolis, with defrauding Mexico City out of millions, Ahumada had taken his revenge by filming PRD honchos when they came to his office to pick up boodles of political cash. Although the filthy lucre was perfectly legal under Mexico's milquetoast campaign financing laws, the pick-ups looked awful on national television. AMLO's former personal secretary was caught stuffing wads of low denomination bills into his suit coat pockets as if he were on Saturday Night Live.

 

Ahumada subsequently turned the tapes over to the leprous, cigar-chomping leader of Fox's PAN party in the Senate, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos ("El Jefe Diego") who in turn had them delivered to a green-haired clown, Brozo, who was then reading the morning news on Televisa. Then the Argentine blackmailer fled to Cuba in a private plane. Televisa would air the incriminating videos day and night for months.

 

Apprehended in Veradero after his lover Robles was shadowed to that socialist beachfront, Ahumada spilled the beans to Cuban authorities: Interior Secretary Santiago Creel, who was then AMLO's lead rival for the presidency, had cooked up the plot with the connivance of reviled former president Carlos Salinas, Lopez Obrador's most venomous foe, the then attorney general, and Fox himself, to remove AMLO from the race.

 

The Mexican government did not ask for extradition and Ahumada's deportation from Cuba was not seen as a friendly gesture. Within a month, diplomatic relations between Mexico and Cuba were broken off and ambassadors summoned home. The construction tycoon has been imprisoned in Mexico City ever since he was booted out of Cuba and was last heard from when he had his rogue cop chauffer shoot up the family SUV, a charade both Fox and Televisa tried to pin on AMLO. Ahumada had suggested he was about to release two more incriminating videos. These dubious events took place on June 6, the day of a crucial presidential debate between AMLO and Calderon.

 

Then last week, Ahumada abruptly resurfaced, or at least his videotaped confession to Cuban authorities did. Filmed through prison bars, he lays out the plot step by step. Yes, he affirms, the deal was fixed up to cut AMLO's legs out from under him and advance the fortunes of the right-wing candidate who turned out to be Felipe Calderon and not the bumbling Creel. The conspiracy backfired badly as his supporters rallied around him and Lopez Obrador's ratings soared.

 

The origins of the confession tape, leaked to top-rung reporter Carmen Aristegui, was obscure. Had Fidel dispatched it from his sick bed to bolster Lopez Obrador's claims of victory as the PAN and the snake-eyed Televisa evening anchor Joaquin Lopez Dorriga hissed? The air grew serpentine with theories. There was even one school that speculated Calderon himself had been the source in a scheme to distance himself from Fox (there had always been bad feelings between them) and Creel, now the leader of the PAN faction in congress.

 

AMLO advanced a variant of this explanation: the specter of Ahumada had been resuscitated to divert attention from the evidence of generalized fraud the Coalition had submitted to the TRIFE and the panel's impending verdict that Calderon had won the election.

 

Perhaps the most nagging question in this snakepit of uncertainty is what happened during the partial recount of less than 10 per cent of the 130,000 ballot boxes ordered by the TRIFE to test the legitimacy of the IFE's results. Although the recount concluded on August 13, the judges have released no numbers and are not obligated to do so. Their only responsibility is to certify the validity of the election.

 

Although AMLO's reps in the counting rooms came up with gobs of evidence -- violated ballot boxes, stolen or stuffed ballots, altered tally sheets and other bizarre anomalies -- only the left-wing daily La Jornada saw fit to mention them. The silence of the Mexican media and their accomplices in the international press in respect to the Great Fraud is deafening, although they manage to fill their rags with ample attacks on Lopez Obrador for tying up Mexico City traffic.

 

According to AMLO's people, 119,000 ballots in the sample recount cannot be substantiated in about 3500 casillas, 58,000 more votes were cast than the number of voters on the voting list. In nearly 4000 other casillas, 61,000 ballots allocated to election officials cannot be accounted for. The annulment of the casillas in which these alterations occurred would put Lopez Obrador in striking distance of Calderon and in a better world, would obligate the TRIFE to order a total recount.

 

But given the cheesy state of the Mexican judiciary this is not apt to happen. One of the judges who will decide the fate of democracy in Mexico is a former client of El Jefe Diego for whom the PANista senator won millions from the Mexico City government in a crooked land deal.

 

Meanwhile, thousands continue to camp out in a hard rain for a third week on the streets of Mexico City awaiting the court's decision. They have taken to erecting shrines and altars and are praying for divine intervention. Hundreds pilgrimage out to the shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe, some crawling on their knees, to ask the Brown Madonna to work her miracle. "God doesn't belong to the PAN!" they chant as they trudge up the great avenue that leads to the Basilica. "AMLO deserves a miracle" Esther Ortiz, a 70 year-old great grandmother comments to a reporter as she kneels to pray before the gilded altar.

 

At the Metropolitan Cathedral on one flank of the Zocalo, a young worshipper interrupts Cardinal Norberto Rivera and is quickly hustled off the premises by his Eminence's bouncers. The following Sunday, the Cathedral's great doors are under heavy surveillance, and churchgoers screened for telltale signs of devotion to Lopez Obrador. Hundreds of AMLO's supporters mill about in front of the ancient temple shouting "voto por voto" and that Cardinal Rivera is a pederast.

 

AMLO as demi-god is one motif of this religious pageant being played out at what was once the heart of the Aztec theocracy, the island of Tenochtitlan. The ruins of the twin temples of the fierce Aztec war god Huitzilopochtli and Tlahuac, the god of the rain, are adjacent to the National Palace against which AMLO's stage is set. Lopez Obrador sleeps each night in a tent close by.

 

Many hearts were ripped out smoking on these old stones and fed to such hungry gods before the Crusaders showed up bearing the body and blood of Jesus Christ.

 

AMLO is accused by right-wing "intellectuals" (Enrique Krauze and the gringo apologist George Grayson) of entertaining a Messiah complex. Indeed, he is up there every day on the big screen, his craggy features, salt and pepper hair, raspy voice and defiantly jutted jaw bearing more of a passable resemblance to a younger George C. Scott rather than The Crucified One. AMLO's devotees come every evening at seven, shoehorned between the big tents that fill the Zocalo, rain or shine. Last Monday, I stood with a few thousand diehards in a biblical downpour, thunder and lightening shattering the heavens above. "Llueve y llueve y el pueblo no se mueve" they chanted joyously, "it rains and rains and the people do not move."

 

The evolution of these incantations is fascinating. At first, the standard slogan of "Voto Por Voto, Casilla por Casilla!" was automatically invoked whenever Lopez Obrador stepped to the microphone. "You are not alone!" and "Presidente!" had their moment. "Fraude!" is still popular but in these last days, "No Pasaran!" -- they shall not pass, the cry of the defenders of Madrid as Franco's fascist hordes banged on the doors of Madrid, 1936 -- has flourished.

 

In this context, "No Pasaran!" means "we will not let Felipe Calderon pass to the presidency." AMLO, who holds out little hope that the TRIFE will decide in his favor, devotes more time now to organizing the resistance to the imposition of Calderon upon the Aztec nation. Article 39 of the Mexican constitution, he reminds partisans, grants the people the right to change their government if that government does not represent them. To this end, he is summoning a million delegates up to the Zocalo for a National Democratic Convention on Mexican Independence Day September 16, a date usually reserved for a major military parade.

 

Aside from the logistical impossibility of putting a million citizens in this Tiennemens-sized plaza, how this gargantuan political extravaganza is going to be financed is cloudy. Right now, it seems like small children donating their piggy banks is the main mode of fund-raising. Because AMLO's people distrust the banks, all of which financed Calderon's vicious TV ad campaign, a giant piggy bank has been raised in the Zocalo to receive the contributions of the faithful.

 

Dreaming is also a fundraiser. 10,000 raised their voices in song this past Sunday as part of a huge chorus assembled under the dome of the Monument to the Revolution to perform a cantata based on the words of Martin Luther King and Mohandas Gandhi. This too is a form of civil resistance, Lopez Obrador commended his followers.

 

The first National Democratic Convention took place behind rebel lines in the state of Aguascalientes in 1914 at the apogee of the Mexican Revolution when the forces of Francisco Villa and his Army of the North first joined forces with Zapata's Liberating Army of the Southern Revolution. The second National Democratic Revolution took place 80 years later in 1994, in a clearing in the Lacandon Jungle of Chiapas when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation wedded itself to the civil society in an uprising that rocked Mexico all throughout the '90s. Eclipsed by events, the EZLN and its quixotic spokesperson Subcomandante Marcos have disappeared from the political map in the wake of the fraudulent election.

 

What this third National Democratic Convention is all about is now being debated in PRD ruling circles and down at the grassroots. Minimally, a plan of organized resistance that will dog Felipe Calderon for the next six years, severely hampering his ability to rule will evolve from this mammoth conclave. The declaration of a government in resistance headed by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador is one consideration. The National Democratic Convention could also result in the creation of a new party to replace a worn-out PRD now thoroughly infiltrated by cast-offs from the PRI.

 

The Party of the Democratic Revolution has always functioned best as an opposition party. With notable exceptions (AMLO was one), when the PRD becomes government, it collapses into corruption, internecine bickering, and behaves just as arrogantly as the PAN and the PRI. No Pasaran?

 

Seven weeks after the July 2 electoral debacle, Mexico finds itself at a dangerously combustible conjunction ("coyuntura") in which the tiny white elite here is about to impose its will upon a largely brown and impoverished populous to whom the political parties and process grow more irrelevant each day. "No Pasaran!" the people cry out but to whom and what they are alluding to remains to be defined.

 

John Ross's ZAPATISTAS! Making Another World Possible: Chronicles of Resistance 2000-2006 will be published by Nation Books this October. Ross will travel the Left Coast this fall with both ZAPATISTAS! and a new chapbook of poetry BOMBA! and is still looking for possible venues. Send suggestions to johnross@igc.org

 

 

Recounting Our Way to Democracy

 

New York Times August 11, 2006

Op-ed contributor

 

By Andrés Manuel López Obrador

 

Mexico City - Not since 1910, when another controversial election sparked a revolution, has Mexico been so fraught with political tension.

 

The largest demonstrations in our history are daily proof that millions of Mexicans want a full accounting of last month's presidential election. My opponent, Felipe Calderón, currently holds a razor-thin lead of 243,000 votes out of 41 million cast, but Mexicans are still waiting for a president to be declared.

 

Unfortunately, the electoral tribunal responsible for ratifying the election results thwarted the wishes of many Mexicans and refused to approve a nationwide recount. Instead, their narrow ruling last Saturday allows for ballot boxes in only about 9 percent of polling places to be opened and reviewed.

 

This is simply insufficient for a national election where the margin was less than one percentage point - and where the tribunal itself acknowledged evidence of arithmetic mistakes and fraud, noting that there were errors at nearly 12,000 polling stations in 26 states.

 

It's worth reviewing the history of this election. For months, voters were subjected to a campaign of fear. President Vicente Fox, who backed Mr. Calderón, told Mexicans to change the rider, but not the horse - a clear rebuke to the social policies to help the poor and disenfranchised that were at the heart of my campaign. Business groups spent millions of dollars in television and radio advertising that warned of an economic crisis were I to win.

 

It's my contention that government programs were directed toward key states in the hope of garnering votes for Mr. Calderón. The United Nations Development Program went so far as to warn that such actions could improperly influence voters. Where support for my coalition was strong, applicants for government assistance were reportedly required to surrender their voter registration cards, thereby leaving them disenfranchised.

 

And then came the election. Final pre-election polls showed my coalition in the lead or tied with Mr. Calderón's National Action Party. I believe that on election day there was direct manipulation of votes and tally sheets. Irregularities were apparent in tens of thousands of tally sheets. Without a crystal-clear recount, Mexico will have a president who lacks the moral authority to govern.

 

Public opinion backs this diagnosis. Polls show that at least a third of Mexican voters believe the election was fraudulent and nearly half support a full recount.

 

And yet the electoral tribunal has ordered an inexplicably restrictive recount. This defies comprehension, for if tally sheet alterations were widespread, the outcome could change with a handful of votes per station.

 

Our tribunals - unlike those in the United States - have been traditionally subordinated to political power. Mexico has a history of corrupt elections where the will of the people has been subverted by the wealthy and powerful. Grievances have now accumulated in the national consciousness, and this time we are not walking away from the problem. The citizens gathered with me in peaceful protest in the Zócalo, the capital's grand central plaza, speak loudly and clearly: Enough is enough.

 

In the spirit of Gandhi and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., we seek to make our voices heard. We lack millions for advertising to make our case. We can only communicate our demand to count all the votes by peaceful protest.

 

After all, our aim is to strengthen, not damage, Mexico's institutions, to force them to adopt greater transparency. Mexico's credibility in the world will only increase if we clarify the results of this election.

 

We need the goodwill and support of those in the international community with a personal, philosophical or commercial interest in Mexico to encourage it to do the right thing and allow a full recount that will show, once and for all, that democracy is alive and well in this republic.

 

 

Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the mayor of Mexico City from 2001 to 2005, was a candidate for president in 2006, representing a coalition led by his Party of the Democratic Revolution. This article was translated from the Spanish by Rogelio Ramírez de la O.

 

===================================================

 

Stealing Mexico

 

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/063006R.shtml

Truthout.org Friday 30 June 2006

 

By Greg Palast www.GregPalast.com

 

Bush team helps ruling party "Floridize" Mexican presidential election.

 

George Bush's operatives have plans to jigger with the upcoming elections. I'm not talking about the November '06 vote in the USA (though they have plans for that, too). I'm talking about the election this Sunday in Mexico for their Presidency.

 

It begins with an FBI document marked, "Counterterrorism" and "Foreign Intelligence Collection" and "Secret." [ http://tinyurl.com/lttrp ] Date: "9/17/2001," six days after the attack on the World Trade towers. It's nice to know the feds got right on the ball, if a little late.

 

What does this have to do with jiggering Mexico's election? Hold that thought.

 

This document is what's called a "guidance" memo for using a private contractor to provide databases on dangerous foreigners. Good idea. We know the 19 hijackers came from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the Persian Gulf Emirates. So you'd think the "Intelligence Collection" would be aimed at getting info on the guys in the Gulf.

 

No so. When we received the document, we obtained as well its classified appendix. The target nations for "foreign counterterrorism investigation" were nowhere near the Persian Gulf. Every one was in Latin America - Argentina, Venezuela, Mexico and a handful of others.

 

Latin America?! Was there a terror cell about to cross into San Diego with exploding enchiladas?

 

All the target nations had one thing in common besides a lack of terrorists: each had a left-leaning presidential candidate or a left-leaning president in office. In Venezuela, President Hugo Chavez, bete noir of the Bush Administration, was facing a recall vote. In Mexico, the anti-Bush Mayor of Mexico City, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador was (and is) leading the race for the Presidency.

 

Most provocative is the contractor to whom this no-bid contract was handed: ChoicePoint Inc. of Alpharetta, Georgia. ChoicePoint is the database company that created a list for Governor Jeb Bush of Florida of voters to scrub from voter rolls before the 2000 election. ChoicePoint's list (94,000 names in all) contained few felons. Most of those on the list were guilty of no crime except Voting While Black. The disenfranchisement of these voters cost Al Gore the presidency.

 

Having chosen our President for us, our President's men chose ChoicePoint for this sweet War on Terror database gathering. The use of the Venezuela's and Mexico's voter registry files to fight terror is not visible - but the use of the lists to manipulate elections is as obvious as the make-up on Katherine Harris' cheeks.

 

In Venezuela, leading up to the August 2004 vote on whether to re-call President Chavez, I saw his opposition pouring over the voter rolls in laptops, claiming the right to challenge voters as Jeb's crew did to voters in Florida. It turns out this operation was partly funded by the International Republican Institute of Washington, an arm of the GOP. Where did they get the voter info from?

 

In that case, access to Venezuela's voter rolls didn't help the Republican-assisted drive against Chavez, who won by a crushing plurality.

 

In Mexico this Sunday, we can expect to see the same: challenges of Obrador voters in a race, the polls say, is too close to call. Not that Mexico's rulers need lessons from the Bush Administration on how to mess with elections.

 

In 1988, the candidate for Obrador's Party of the Democratic Revolution (PDR), who opinion polls showed as a certain winner, somehow came up short against the incumbent party of the ruling elite. Some of the electoral tricks were far from subtle. In the state of Guerrero, the PDR was leading on official tally sheets by 359,369. Oddly, the official final count was 309,202 for the ruling party, only 182,874 for the PDR. Challenging the vote would have been dangerous. Two top officials of Obrador's party were assassinated during the campaign.

 

Crucial to the surprise victory of the ruling party was the introduction of computer voting machines and the centralization of voter databases. Observer Andrew Reding of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs reported that ruling party operatives had special access codes denied the opposition.

 

Whether the US "War on Terror" lists will find a use in Sunday's election, we cannot know. But the use of American government resources to interfere in south-of-the-border campaigns is an open secret. The GOP's International Republican Institute has run training sessions for the PAN youth wing, funded by US taxpayers through the "National Endowment for Democracy."

 

Foreign - that is, American - interference in political campaigns is a crime. That didn't stop Team Bush. However, when the theft of its citizen files was discovered, Argentina threatened to arrest ChoicePoint contractors until the company returned the tapes - and Mexico's attorney general did in fact arrest the ChoicePoint data thieves to avoid his party from looking too much the stooge of its Washington patron. Whether George Bush gave back his copy, no one will say.

 

Wholesale theft is expected on Sunday in forms both subtle and brutal. How the US' purloined "counterterrorism" lists will be used, we don't know. We are certain however, that the Administration did not siphon off these Latin voter files to fight a War on Terror. It appears, rather, part of the Bush Administration's and GOP's hemispheric War on Democracy - along a battle line which runs from Florida to Ohio to Juarez.

 

____________________________________

 

For as-it-happens reporting on the Mexican election, check www.GregPalast.com for dispatches from our team investigator Special Correspondent Matt Pascarella with video journalist Rick Rowley in Mexico City.

 

Special thanks to the Electronic Privacy Information Center, Washington. DC, which received and passed on to our team the FBI ChoicePoint files and other foreign intelligence documentation.

 

Greg Palast is the author of the New York Times bestseller, ARMED MADHOUSE: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf?, China Floats Bush Sinks, the Scheme to Steal '08, No Child's Behind Left and Other Dispatches From the Front Lines of the Class War.

 

Get your copy of Palast's new book, Armed Madhouse, at www.GregPalast.com.

 Create your own free wiki!Support CommunityPublic, Gold wiki Privacy Policy RSS